"A critique is not a matter of saying that things are not right as they are. It is a matter of pointing out on what kinds of assumptions, what kinds of familiar, unchallenged, unconsidered modes of thought the practices that we accept rest".

- Michel Foucault “Practicing criticism, or, is it really important to think?”, interview by Didier Eribon, May 30-31, 1981, in Politics, Philosophy, Culture, ed. L. Kriztman (1988), p. 155

Saturday, April 23, 2011

BODY WITH AND WITHOUT ORGANS: TWO READINGS OF NIETZSCHE’S BODY POLITIC

BODY WITHAbey Koshy
“I am body entirely, and nothing besides; and soul is only a word for something in the body”  :  Nietzsche, Thus Spoke Zarathustra
The predominance of body discourses in contemporary thought for the last four decade was mainly due to Nietzsche’s philosophy of life that wanted to ground thought, values and human existence on materiality[1]. Till mid nineteenth century the major philosophical systems and religions of the world explained the meaning of human existence, moral values, truths and cultural experience in terms of a transcendental consciousness whose roots lie in the spiritual reality. As a result abstract conceptual reasoning got predominance over experiential truth of the body and life. Modern civilization (which is basically European in origin)[2] thus builds a culture that disallows the expressions of the natural, sensual and the biological. It is through the containment of the bodily that a culture devoid of desire[3] could be built, whose history Nietzsche unravels as nihilism. Nihilism plainly means life denial, and overcoming it becomes the central project of Nietzsche philosophical activity. For that the ground of thinking has to be shifted from consciousness to the body, abstract to the concrete, rational to the sensual and the spiritual to the material.
Such a shift comes through Nietzsche’s thinking of the body. Consequently there was a transition of agency from soul to body in recent philosophy. Although it began with Nietzsche, lately it spilled over to phenomenology and poststructuralism. Within poststructuralism the two predominant responses to Nietzsche’s body thinking are that of Foucault’s analysis of the ‘docile body’[4] and Deleuze and Guattari’s portrayal of the ‘desiring body’[5]. This paper is meant to critically engage these two responses to Nietzsche’s thought to explain what are at stake in each one of them with regard to the formation of a liberatory politics for the contemporary society.  Thus, besides developing a discourse of body out of Nietzsche’s thought, the following articulation conducts a polemic of both Foucault and Deleuze with Nietzsche.            
1
This ‘body thought’ is certainly a type of materialism. But its materiality is different from the view taken by the naïve materialist philosophers who explain the human life in terms of mechanistic laws[6]. Naive materialists totally degrade the value of spirit or consciousness. Even the Darwinian kind of biologism, the most influential modern materialism lies very far away from Nietzsche’s bodily materialism that wanted to perceive life as a flow of desire, which is explained through the idea of the will to power. In a diametrically opposite pole to materialists is situated the spiritualists who wanted to dispose of everything associated with body and matter to be valueless thrash[7]. Even in those Philosophers who accept the relevance of both the spiritual and material an unresolved dualism between matter and consciousness is existed. Consciousness has viewed by them as something entirely different in quality and kind. And the body is treated as something that does not interact with consciousness, except functioning as a home for a temporary halt of consciousness.
References to the body could be seen throughout Nietzsche’s major works. Yet a well formulated theory of the body, like we see in Merleau Ponty or Foucault may not be clearly visible in Nietzsche’s thought. Nietzsche spoke always more about life, organism, biology, animal, nature and food. By all these he was actually referring to body itself. In his opinion values are not the result of dialectical thinking or original archetypes. He always said that the origin of values of a people have to be sought in the food a people eat (Nietzsche, 1969, p.237-38) and the climatic condition of a land in which they live (ibid, 240-41). This is to say that all the beliefs, thoughts and values of human being have a bodily origin. Thus his aim behind philosophizing was to ground thinking on life and materiality that promote an earthly, geocentric life.
 Nietzschean body is not strictly the human body as we see it in Foucault or Merleau Ponty. It includes the entire organic world with the will to power as the force of it. Human being is also seen as a part of the organic life-world. But previous philosophies and social science-discourses were not ready to see the animalistic in the human[8]. The anthropocentric attitude of them tends to place the human in an exclusively rational realm. Like the religious thinking they also give a divine origin to humanity, consequently cutting the human roots from the natural-animalistic and placing human being in the realm of the spiritual. Nietzsche’s one project in this regard was meant to bring the human being back from the divine to the worldly and link man to the animalistic. Thus he writes that “we no longer trace the origin of man in the spirit, in the divinity, we have placed him back among the animals” (Nietzsche, 1990, p.134). From this it could be seen that Nietzsche’s project of the body politic includes the affirmation of the animalistic at large[9] rather than privileging the human being at the helm of the social. Such a body discourse of Nietzsche has to be differentiated from the body discourse of phenomenology and Foucault’s thought of the body, as both of them are concerned only about the human body.
    Nietzsche’s thought produced two streams of discourses of the body within continental philosophy. One is the phenomenological idea of the ‘lived body’ by which that tradition underlines the bodily consciousness[10] in opposition to a transcendental consciousness of the self. Another stream of body discourse comes from the poststructuralist tradition, whose task was to examine the political investment of the body in the modern social sphere.  It is perceived that the body in the modern culture is deformed and reorganized through markings engraved on it in order to make it a useful body in carrying out tasks assigned to it.[11] Poststructuralist project sets out to unravel the techniques employed by the dominant powers to tame and organize the human body in different periods in history.  Their project is to produce a genealogy of the body instead of providing simply a theory of the body like the phenomenologists.
            As Heidegger rightly pointed out, Nietzsche’s mission in philosophy was to overturn Platonic tradition that conducted thought through the abstract universal concepts that devalued the concrete historical experiences. Human embodied existence then get discarded and cast out from the sphere of philosophy. Philosophers could never think that body could exist by its own power without the support of a spiritual substance from outside. Like the god of Semitic religions they all posited an external agency that trigger and control the movement of the body from outside, situated in a transcendental world. A classical example is the god in Aristotle who is the unmoved mover of the material substance.
            Nietzsche for the first time in the history of thinking showed that the body does not require an external principle or a mental substance for instigation of its movements and thoughts. With the announcement of the ‘Death of God’[12] he was actually making the body free of all external control of a spiritual substance. He replaces it with a force that is an attribute of the body itself which is the will to power[13].
            Among the various responses to Nietzsche’s thinking of body, this paper focuses on two prominent responses. The first view comes from a body politic but with a different perspective. Michel Foucault, drawing inspiration from Nietzsche’s critique of nihilism presents body as something perpetually molded and reshaped by the forces that take control of it in each historical period. However, in a slight deviation from Nietzsche’s view, for him the body is always the human body which perpetually undergoes disciplinary practices either in the form of physical torture or discourses. Narrowing down his reflection further he confines his articulation of the human body to a body within history, marked by culture. This marking gives meaning to the body. In the absence of any cultural inscriptions a body has no content or essence of its own. If at all the human body has any characteristics, qualities or attributes all of them come from outside, imposed on it by external agencies. He does not speak of any bodily attribute or force that works from within the body that shape its agency. Rather, “the body is molded by a great many distinct regimes; it is broken down by the rhythms of work, rest and holidays; it is poisoned by food or values” (Foucault, 1984, p.83). Foucault’s attempt is to show that neither the human nature follow from any universal psychological characteristics nor the bodily movements the result of physiological laws. Disciplines of the society shape human nature as well as movements of the body.
The second one represents a body politic that wants to set free the bodily desires through making connections of flow with other bodies. This is proposed as a liberatory politics particularly by Deleuze and Guattari, the figures of schizoanalysis. In place of Nietzsche’s will to power Deleuze and Guattari perceive desire as the attribute of the body. But this desire is being contained and blocked in modern civilization by various social stratifications. They develop the idea of the body without organ which is the body that could free itself from the inscription made on it by the various social stratifications. The Body without organ is the surface on which various cultural inscriptions are made so that it is converted into a stratified, formed and an organized body. Here the ‘organs’ represent the various cultural meanings and institutions that have been added upon the body to make it an organism. In the view of Deleuze and Guattari human liberation largely depended on removing such organs to get back to a state in which desire becomes productive once again. This position of them could be seen as the consequence of the Nietzschean affirmation of the body as something primordial, pre-cultural and natural that possesses will to power as a pro-life force.
2
                        Foucault’s Preoccupation with the discussion of body, however, comes from the realization that in modern civilization “the body is a volume in perpetual disintegration” (Foucault, ibid, p83).  His genealogical investigation is intended to trace the “process of history’s destruction of the body” (ibid) that produces ultimately a society controlled by administrative power structure. The genealogical enquiry is intended to trace the causes of this descent. Foucault writings are thus not meant to merely provide a theory of functioning of body in society. Rather it is meant to evolve a program for resistance against the forces that wanted to take away the joy of the body through subjugating and imprisoning it for maintaining the interests of the dominating powers of the society. 
The body analysed by Foucault is a body within history. History is a process which always reconfigures society through reshaping of the human bodies either through direct punishment on it or through discourses. In most of the occasions in human civilizations the shaping of the bodies has been to cater the advantages of the anti life forces than the pro-life forces. Among Foucault’s histories, except the classical Greek period in The Use of Pleasure (Foucault, 1984), all other histories are occasions of subjugation where bodies are made to surrender to dominating powers.
However, it could be observed that none of his histories suggests any political program to deliver the body from subjugation. Instead, Foucault always speaks of a body that is manipulated, shaped and trained. His political concern leads him to perceive the human history from the side of the marginalized other. Therefore his investigations are basically directed to uncover the suppression of human bodies in modern societies by various regimes of administrative control to make it useful for production of profit. His genealogical works such as Discipline and Punish(1975), The History of Sexuality: An Introduction (1976) and The Birth of the Clinic (1963) exposes how modern techniques are applied to make docile bodies, which are subjected, used, and transformed for utility and control. It is very much evident in his observation that “the body is directly involved in a political field; power relations have an immediate hold upon it ; they investigate it, mark it , train it, torture it, force it to carry out tasks, to perform ceremonies, to emit signs” (Foucault, 1975, p.25). Techniques made possible meticulous control of the operations of the body. Foucault’s works obviously can be seen as an analysis of rise of various forms of discipline, whereby the body and its desires are regulated within the modern cultural space.
Then why a political program of resistance is missing in Foucault’s corpus? One could argue that his objective was to merely analyse the social reality where bodies are produced discursively and engraved by the signs of culture. Was he, as an analyst who does not side with any theory or evaluations, merely exposing the social strategies deployed on bodies in each age to function it according to the needs of various social situations? If his intention is merely analytical we need not demand from him to make any positive or negative evaluation.
But if such is his approach to body it would be doubtful if any resistances could be built against the disintegration of the bodies.  Because, in order to engage a political struggle the body has to harness a counter power that helps it to either resist or evade the power structure of the subjugating forces. Such a power has to come either from within the body or to be drawn from outside. But no resistance can be drawn from outside, as all the existing outside forces in contemporary civilization like state, police forces, social sciences and cultural institutions are manifestations of anti-life power that only disintegrate bodies. All such institutions as well as other bodies are the inscribed surfaces produced discursively through reactive power and none of them is outside the bounds of discourses.
Then the only possibility for the body to resist the subjugation shall have to come from within it. Nietzsche has already shown that bodies are driven not by external spiritual principles but by its own internal force which is the will to power. But surprisingly Foucault could never conceive power as a force or essence of the body like Nietzsche believes. Nor he thinks like the psychoanalysts that the body has libidinal desire as its force which is prior to all social stratifications.
Foucault’s rejection of a force of the body like the will to power or an internal desire like the libido of psychoanalysis can be seen in the stand he has taken in The History of Sexuality. Here Foucault explains sexual desire as a product of power, rather than an instinct of the organism (Foucault, 1976). Thus, instead of perceiving desire as an attribute of the body desire is seen as something discursively constructed by culture.
In The History of Sexuality bodies have seen as succumbing to the power of the discourses of sex. Foucault says that sex is not an inner energy of the human bodies but is the product of the discourses of Christianity, medicine, psychoanalysis and other social sciences. Human desire for sex was not there before the operation of those discourses. Prior to that there is no sexuality for the body other than the presence of some anatomical elements, biological functions and sensations ( Foucault, 1990, pp.152-55), which were discrete and never felt as a sexual instinct.
 Cultural theorists like Herbert Marcuse on the other hand regard ‘Eros’ to be a drive that could subvert the institutional order of the society[14] (Herbert Marcuse, 1956). This hope stems from the belief in sex as a natural instinct which has been suppressed by power of the social. However, Foucault does not subscribe to such views which assign a liberatory task for sex and instead claims that sex is merely a product of the institutional power. One to experience sex is amounts to succumbing to power rather than liberating oneself from institutional power. Thus, in his opinion one only gets normalized by indulging in sexual experience.
If sexual desire also is a discursive power of the institutions meant to dominate bodies, it is doubtful if any other force of the body remains there to be called back. As Foucault never recognizes a pre-historical beginning where bodies are nature-driven and free of all inscriptions, the body for him is always organised. Getting back to a body without organ is like taking an idealist metaphysical position, which is not acceptable to him. His notion of body thus can be seen as a body with organs, which means a body organized by the inscriptions of culture. A kind of cultural determinism in his thought does not allow him to draw a liberatory project via permanently erasing of the cultural inscriptions carved on the body. As the body cannot exist as a primordial object free of cultural meanings, even if one inscription is erased it will be replaced soon with some other inscriptions. The new inscription must be one that leads to the activation of the body positively. But we are not informed of its sources of origin and therefore it remains unavailable to the body. Foucault does not speak about it. It is left unexplained.
                        In Foucault’s opinion a primordial body free of all cultural inscriptions is impossible. In history events after events appear as a result of struggle between different powers for domination. Dominating forces in history always make new inscriptions on the body over the existing inscriptions. For him “the body is the inscribed surface of events (traced by language and dissolved by ideas), the locus of a dissociated self and a volume in perpetual disintegration” (Foucault, 1984 p.83). Genealogical investigation is employed by him “to expose a body totally imprinted by history” (Ibid). If history is the repeated struggle between various forces for domination and body always its product it is doubtful if Foucault could effectively justify the scope of a political struggle. Foucault has been considered as an advocate of emancipatory politics. But the picture he gives of the body is a passive one without having any agency to resist the subjugation. Body in Foucault’s opinion is always an organized one by practices of power applied on it from outside. Whether it is in Discipline and Punish or The History of Sexuality or The Birth of the Clinic, in all of them the body is always seen as vulnerable to disciplinary practices without any resistance to offer.  Power explained in Foucault’s texts is always one sided, where body is always being bombarded from outside. This situation results from the failure of Foucault to perceive the internal power of the body or a libido. Foucault, having no theory of embodiment to offer, lacks a proper ground to situate himself.   
                        Foucault while formulating his theory of the body based on Nietzsche’s notion of a primordial will to power misses out to count this power as a pre-discursive desire. This failure of him leads him to lose a ground to firmly situate, from which he could wage a war against the power that subjugates the body.  For him in every age there was certain regulations of the body, some are positive and some others are negative. For instance he speaks of the history of the body of the ancient Greek civilization where they had a very positive economy of pleasure (Foucault, The Use of Pleasure, 1992). Greeks never saw body as something to be subjugated to extract labor power out of it. But in modern urban culture body is mainly seen as a devise for material production.
But Nietzsche demonstrates that the modern attitude to perceive body basically as an object for production of wealth does not start with the modern strategists like psychiatrists, jurists and educationists like Foucault claims. Nietzsche showed in On the Genealogy of Morals that the attitude to perceive bodily pleasures as something undesirable is already in the air since the beginning of Christian ascetic outlook propagated by the priestly culture. In fact the history of despising of the body starts from much early period which Nietzsche reads as the history of nihilism. Modern practices of control of the body are only intensification of the already existing anti-life attitude propagated by the Judo-Christian tradition much before. With the advancement of industrial urban culture the tendency became to convert body finally as automata, whose genealogy Foucault’s conducts in Discipline and Punish.
            In Foucault it is through imposing of subjectivity upon the body from outside that its forces are finally tamed and controlled. Subject or self is something added to the body through disciplinary practices. It is something produced by culture and imposed on the body through deliberately thought out plans and strategies. Discipline and Punish perceives human “soul as the prison of the body”,( Foucault, 1979, p.30) in the sense that the soul serves as an internal police agency installed within the body to check its movements and deeds. Discipline and Punish is the book that traces the nature of practices and disciplines brought out jointly by the cooperation of various human sciences and knowledge systems of modernity that helped to contain bodies. The result was the development of a moral agent regulating behavior by codes, disciplines and practices.
            Foucault’s genealogical investigation is, however, limited to the sphere of examining of political investments of the body in various historical periods. Each epoch used different techniques to mark the bodies and thereby carve different types of subjectivities out of the bodies. Foucault does not believe in a primordial body that could escape the subjugation of various powers. More over he could not locate the sources and centers of their origin. He merely states that power relations are everywhere and as they are so subtle and works at micro levels, one could never identify its point of origin. Consequently for a political struggle he does not tell us where one has to be situated in order to develop counter strategies against the dominating forms of power. He could not say that one has to be situated at the side of the body because he could never perceive any neutral or unmarked body. His contention is that as human life is unfolded within history, human bodies always get marked either in one way or the other. Like the relationship between matter and form in Aristotle, body and self can only coexist. Matter cannot exist formless and form cannot exist matterless. Likewise body always has to be organised in one way or the other. Organ-less body is thus an unimaginable prospect in Foucault’s scheme of thinking.
 Foucault could not have taken a different perspective because his interest in analysing the nature of body is grounded on a socio-political purpose, viz. to distinguish the powers that curtail human freedom. The motive of the dominating powers which impose disciplines on the body is not to take away the joy of any particular human being, but to take hold of the very social body itself, so that they are able to rule the society according to their interests. Foucault’s political project is therefore to deliver the polity from the onslaught of administrative control of various forces. Other than this any subtle political project for the individual liberation rooted in an economy of desire is missing in him.
            Although the notion of body and power employed by Foucault is a reformulation of Nietzsche’s idea of the will to power he fails to see the sources of resistance that could be developed from the body’s internal force. Nietzsche on the other hand is very clear about the internal potential of the bodies in resisting domination when he writes that “my idea is that every specific body strives to become master over all space and to extend its force and to thrust back all that resists its extension” (Nietzsche, 1968, p.339).   It is precisely because of this we would have to say that Nietzsche’s genealogy goes further than the mere analysis of the techniques deployed to produce subjectivities in different historical periods. Rather it unravels the very psychology and dynamics of functioning of the repressive forces. While Foucault unravels the logic of repression of body of some periods, Nietzsche’s analysis of nihilism could identify the very nature of powers that produce subjugation of bodies for all times to come. He identifies resentment, bad conscience and ascetic ideal as the three types of forces that produce nihilism not only in certain ages but at all times in the history of mankind (Nietzsche, 1969). The very History itself is conceived by him as the product of those forces. Nietzsche therefore underlines the need of moving outside the history like animals and children do[15] (Nietzsche, 1983, p. 61). In Nietzsche’s opinion that probably gives an answer to the question of overcoming nihilism and points towards a life rooted more on bodily desires.  It is precisely by situating on this vantage point Nietzsche could interrogate repression of the body. 
            In Nietzsche’s scheme of thinking the body cannot be delivered from subjugation through any socio-cultural reformulation. The very social is the manifestation of the reactive, nihilistic will to power. The affirmative and the positive is always the natural that comes from the bodily desires. The social always establishes at the coast of the body. For instances the engraving of memory on the body appears for the first time when the transition of life to a social order based on buying and selling relationship takes place. There was a time when pre self experience was possible where bodies could have lived prior to the imposition of ‘self’ upon it. Nietzsche demonstrates how bad conscience acts as a ‘self’ which has produced by burning into the body a memory of right and wrong and duty and responsibility. Self then could be seen as something planted upon the body to imprison its desires which are often flighty and chaotic. In the opinion of Nietzsche the self formation always coincided with the creation of a memory for the human species (Nietzsche, 1969, p.60-61). Foucault also speaks of a self that works as a prison to check its movements. But this prison in modern times is instituted not through direct punishment on the flesh, but largely through discourses in human sciences which is implemented through schools and hospitals. In ancient regime, however, the containment of the bodies was effected through the cruelest means like ‘chopping of hands, burning of the body in oil and trampling the convict by the horses’(Foucault, 1979). But Foucault could be seen as merely reproducing the genealogical investigation of the regimentation of the body in order to explain the modern instances of punishments and discipline. The tools are not his own, rather borrowed ones from Nietzsche’s corpus[16]. But when Nietzsche tried to build a counter resistance to the institutional decomposition of the body through a counter will to power whose source is the body itself, such a program is utterly missing in Foucault. 
            Instead of rejecting the existence of primary drives, Foucault ought to have said that the bodily desires could be expressed only discursively. Lacan, who said that libidinal desires are expressed only in language could have been a model for Foucault in this regard. Rather than coming near to this position at least, Foucault merely states that the very desires are the product of significations or cultural markings, which amounts to saying that before cultural inscriptions there was absolute void or nothingness. Even for a discursive construction of desires, some form of force has to be there in the body to modify it as motives and actions. A discursive formation cannot come into being from an absolute void.  But Foucault is not interested to explore its origin. He wants to be distanced from metaphysical questions. In his opinion what genealogy investigates, on the other hand, is the historical occurrences, and not any timeless beginning. But the problem with such a stand is that ‘the will to power, or libido cannot be taken as historically originated. One has to postulate some energy that is a-historical in order to be situated in a firm ground to conduct a critique of social realities. If everything is historical and cultural the body has no option but to succumb to the subjugation without building any resistance.
            In Nietzsche’s thought, however, culture is never postulated as the a priori realty of life. Nietzsche’s genealogical inquiry locates a beginning of culture in the transition of life based on accumulation of private property, that could be seen in the coming into being of buying and selling relationship. This marks also the beginning of nihilism. Nietzsche always sees the beginning of nihilism and culture together. He never believed that nihilism is always present in human existence there is a beginning for nihilism and there fore, a beginning of culture and historical living. He postulates for the possibility for a non-historical living, in the unlearning process that has to be practiced by human being, like animal and human child do (Nietzsche, 1983, p.  ).
            A meaningful political struggle to defeat nihilism and the liberation of body can be imagined only by accepting the possibility of a primordial body that can resist the invasion of anti-life forces nurtured by the cultural. As culture is mostly the product of the negative will to power, body cannot be liberated with the cultural. Culture contains both the positive and the negative forces[17]. But it is not possible to eradicate the negative alone from the cultural. A healthy culture, in the opinion of Nietzsche, is the one in which affirmative power predominates over the negative. Humanity had such glorious past moments in history (Nietzsche, 1969). Like the early Greek age, there were periods when culture was less affected by nihilism. However the modern culture is entirely dominated by the negative. That is why the modern culture is perceived as acutely nihilistic.  But Nietzsche will not argue that pre-nihilistic ages like the early Greeks were entirely free of cultural inscriptions. Rather the Greek culture had gone more in tune with the bodily desires. But still there must be some kind of organization of the body in order to have a cultural existence possible. A healthy culture in the opinion of Nietzsche, on the other hand, is the one in which the bodily and the instinctive predominate over the law and administrative control.
            Then the idea of making oneself a ‘body without organ’ may not be seen as the establishment of a culture free of nihilism and anti-life inscriptions. One could be able to make it while living within the cultural. It is not by changing the surroundings instead through taking a flight from the social that the body is affirmed. Hence it can be seen that Nietzsche’s body politic addresses two tasks. The first is to defeat a nihilistic history through the establishment of a culture that permits to live out the bodily desires. Such a culture would be a healthy culture that goes more in tune with the natural and the instinctual.  The second is practicing of a playing out of the bodily by each individual, even when existing in the midst of a negative social order. The second is more individualistic, which made him to be known as an existentialist thinker.          
            The practicing of the living of the bodily is what Nietzsche characterized as the aesthetic dimension of existence. Body is the site of desire that is poised to enhance itself through overflowing energy and superabundance. This desire is being manifested in the human activities of heroism, love and artistic creativity. This is expressed in the aesthetic, the site   of the internal power of the body. Nietzsche wrote “Art produces….an excess and overflow of blooming physicality into the world of images and desires… and it excites the animal functions through the images and desires of the intensified life” (Nietzsche, 1969, p.809). Further it is stated that “art exercises the power of suggestion over the muscles and senses….it works tonically, increases strength and inflames desires of the body” (ibid).  
            But power within the body can act negatively as well. This is specific to certain body’s preferring of its own submission along with its imposition of control on other bodies. This is the occasion of the will to power functioning as a negative force that turns against body and its desires. The metaphysician’s condemnation of the senses and sensuality in favor of reason and spirit in the opinion of Nietzsche comes from such a negative power. This is resulted from a weakness to live a life of becoming. Thus we see two types of bodies in Nietzsche’s thought. One is the type that acts positively, expressing its inner energy in the form of desires. They are unconcerned about the painful consequences it likely to produce. Whereas, the negative type is the weak who do not dare to live heroically by affirming becoming, consequently out of resentment they turn against life and go inactive. Unable to act its own, it turns out to be reactive and stand in the way of the affirmative to put hurdles on their way. While the active is able to compose new forms of desire, the reactive decomposes and degenerates bodies thereby creating a sickly civilization. The reactive power manifests in ascetic attitude that degrade body as ugly. Thus they claim that body is something to be transformed and elevated into spirit. Nietzsche writes “here an attempt is made to employ force to block up the wells of life; here physiological well being itself is viewed as askance, and especially the outward expression of this well being, beauty and joy” (Nietzsche, 1969, p118). The reactive type seek ‘pleasure in ill constitutedess, decay, pain, ugliness, self mortification and self sacrifice’ (ibid). it downgrades physicality to an illusion. As a substitute to desire the reactive seeks ascetic regimentation of the body.
3
            Another interpretation of Nietzsche’s idea of the body is the one that sees it primordially as a desiring substance. This view is the extension of the psychoanalytic view of body as the locus of libido. Can a body sustain without organizing it to some form of subjectivity is the central question raised in the second part of this paper. Schizoanalytic[18] theory of Deleuze and Guattari show us that a body can wash away all inscriptions marked on it by culture and administrative practices and can get back to zero intensity. But this zero intensity is not the absence of any force or power in the body. Instead it is the starting point of all play of desire.
The traditional philosophy thinks that in order to have essence the body has to have some form or principle acquired form outside, given by some external agency. Metaphysical thoughts interpret the body in such a way as a crude matter organised by a rational self or transcendental spirit. But this zero intensity is not a lack, as psychoanalysis perceives. Drawing on Nietzsche’s view of the Will to power schizoanalysis demonstrates us a body inhabited by desire which is a force internal to the body itself. This body is not the body of the human being or of the animal, rather it could be any body of living or non-living entities. All bodies have desire as their essence and they always try to make connection with other bodies without any rational plan or design. This makes schizoanalysis to call the body a desiring machine (Deleuze and Guattari, 1983, p. 15-20 )
            Modern social order however hinders this desiring process by blocking the connection between bodies. Like Nietzsche’s analysis of nihilism schizoanalysis finds a parallel in Oedipus[19] that blocks the wells of desire and tie the bodies to various subjectivities. But this process of Oedipalization is a process found only in human civilization and schizoanalysis does not believe that this process is a necessary precondition for one to be a human animal. Schizoanalysis thinks that Oedipal repression is something historically emerged. Deleuze and Guattari believe that it is the task of Schizoanalysis to unravel the history of that repression. So as a parallel to Nietzsche’s genealogy of nihilism schizoanalysis sets out to conduct a genealogy of Oedipus. 
            To explain the zero intensities of bodies schizoanalysis introduces the idea of ‘body without organs’. This idea has been introduced to demonstrate how a human body can free itself from the markings made on it by various regiments of power such as state, family and moral institutions. While cultural institutions try to organise bodies by imposing molar identities of gender, class and caste, the bodies can resist them or create lines of escape by making molecular connection of desire with other bodies. Body without Organs is not a body that dismantles physical bodily parts or organs. It only means shedding of inscriptions and meanings drawn on the surface of the body by repressive cultural practices. The bodies of animals, stones, plants and stars may not make deliberate attempts to make lines of flight from identities because they are already comprised of unstable matters of flows that pass through in all directions and various speeds.
“The Body without Organs causes intensities to pass: it produces and distributes them in a spatium that is itself intensive, lacking extension….it is non stratified, unformed, intense matter….that is why we treat the BwO as the full egg before the extension of the organism and  organisation of the organs, before the formation of the strata…”.( Deleuze and Guattari, 2002, p.153).
 But a human body has to take deliberate attempts to make itself a body without organ. As the human body is already organised and constituted through various stratifications of class, groups and selves without conducting experiments with its potential traits and affects it may not be possible to reach back to a full body without organs.  But in order to make the flow of bodily desire, a unified or organised body is not essential.
The position of Deleuze and Guattari can be seen as a remarkable deviation from the general poststructuralist theory where language is a necessary medium for all communication and transmission of desire from one body to another. Deleuze speaks of a bodily communication without the medium of language. Although poststructuralist thinkers speaks of the unavoidability of language, they are very much conscious of the limitation of the possibility of desires in language. This leaves Lacan to say that desire is metonymically expressed and thereby it becomes need in a socio-symbolic order. Desire as the primordial libido is forever remain to be an impossibility ever since the subject is entered into the symbolic. Deconstructionist engagements of Derrida also endorsed this impossibility of conveyance of desire and  experiential pluralities of life through signs. Thus, in a radical deviation from the structuralist practice he, in his deconstructive writings sought to extend the possibilities of language to the optimum levels, thereby it no more becomes linguistic signs, but becomes ‘trace’, a term invented by Derrida to explain the multiple levels of significations. Still Derrida could not free himself from the textuality until the ethical phase of his later philosophy came into being.
It is precisely this poststructuralist preoccupation with linguisticality in experience that make Foucault’s body to remain in subjugation of the socio-symbolic order through succumbing to cultural inscriptions. But there is certainly a way out.  Foucault has to understand that this linguistic determinism is a specific feature of bodies within the cultural and there is possible for the bodies to resist and break this situation. However Foucault fails to articulate the possibility for the expression of bodily multiplicities because for him, for any such expression recourse to linguistic signification is necessary. This excessive reliance on language makes him to keep silence about the primordial desire of the body. If that exists, it cannot be revealed other than through signification. But Foucault must understand that for the transmission of desires such mediums are not necessary. Desire can be passed from one body to the other without any recourse to cultural signs. It could be direct. Deleuze and Guattari thus create a theatrical philosophy where bodies meet each other, and moves beyond the textual levels of their existence.      
Drawing on the Freudian libido theory of the pre-Oedipal stage of the children, schizoanalysis argues that desire always passes through partial objects only. The global person is someone born as the result of the mirror stage that marks resolving of the Oedipus complex. It is through repression of desires a global person comes into being. Attacking the cult of global personage it shows that desiring machine does not need a global person and it works with partial organs: “The breast is a machine that produces milk and mouth another machine connected to it”; the eye that connected to a lock of hair of another forms a different machine (Deleuze and Guattari, 1983 p.4). Desire flow from the one to the other without the structure of a self or fully developed individual. A ‘Schizo’ is the one who is able to make such connection perpetually with the various beings of the world, even with the stars and animals, hereby undergo multiple becomings. Becoming animal, becoming woman and becoming plant are such multiple lines of flight through which a human being can reach the Body without Organ.
            Deleuze and Guattari never claim that a body can be insulated of inscriptions and historical changes. Even Nietzshe would not argue that humanity can be delivered for ever to an a-historical natural order free of all nihilistic formations. Interpreting Nietzsche’s perspective of the body Deleuze wrote that “a thing is sometimes this, sometimes that, sometimes something more complicated- depending on the forces which take possession of it….but the thing itself is not neutral and will have more or less affinity with the force in current possession” (Gilles Deleuze,1962, p.4). This stand of Deleuze goes in tune with the general poststructuralist perspective of the body as the site of investment of meanings and forces that take control of the body in each historical period. Foucault very powerfully endorses this stand in Discipline and Punish. If a body is destined to be organised for ever genuine freedom would be impossible. How Foucault would be able to get out from this impasse. He never seems to be suggesting any line of flight to reach to an organ-less body. Like the Lacanian psychoanalytical tradition, a way out to the desiring body is once and for ever closed before Foucault.
            Schizoanalysis may not have any program to transform the bodies to Body without Organs for ever, nor it suggest any molar political project to reorient society based on desire. The social stratifications and organizations may stay here for longer periods. But Schizoanalysis shows that at least momentarily, you can, dismantle the organisations of the organs, which we call the organism, and reach the Body without Organs. The way Deleuze and Guattari suggesting is “Lodge yourself on a stratum, experiment with the opportunities it offers, find an advantageous place for it, find potential movements of deterritorialization, possible lines of flight, experience them, produce flow of conjuctions here and there,…it is through meticulous relations with the strata that one succeeds in freeing lines of flight ….and bring forth continuous intensities for a Body Without Organs”(Deleuze and Guattari, 2002, p.161).
            The project of body liberation proposed by Deleuze and Guattari may not provide a permanent accommodation for bodies in the territory of desire. As life cannot be entirely cut off from the cultural and the social, some form of organization of the body has to be there.   Yet their development of a different life for the bodies beyond the socio-symbolic order, away from all recourse of signification process, casts the embodied existence as a novel challenge to be practiced by contemporary human civilization. This is an extension and radicalization of Nietzschean body politic, which Michel Foucault could not properly develop in his writings.   

Notes
[1] In the history of philosophy Nietzsche is considered as a break from the long metaphysical tradition. Before him the history of thought from Parmenides to Hegel conducted thought in abstract conceptual manner that does not give any room for the concrete, which is the site of the body. In Nietzsche’s thinking about the concrete and worldly things, a thought about the  particular embodied experiences are heralded for the first time.
[2] Modern civilization can be seen as the culmination of the project of European modernity whose logistics lies in Enlightenment philosophy. The hall mark of enlightenment philosophy is the rationalization of all domains of life thereby the experiencial elements like dreams, sensuality, passions, the poetic are all goes to the margins social life. Foucault discusses this plight of the modern life in detail in his Madness and Civilization(1961)
[3] Desire is used as a technical term of contemporary thought, and it may not be understood as a want or wish to posses some object that satisfy our need. It represents more our libidinal, instinctual, aesthetic dimension of human existence.
[4] Docility of the body is the central theme of Michel Foucault’s Disciline and Punish(1979). However how the human body in modern times become a controlled or silenced one is a main enquiry in almost all major works of Foucault.
[5] The idea of desiring body of Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari appears for the first time in their joint work Anti Oedipus: Capitalism and Schizophrenia(1984) where all bodies are seen as desiring substances. Drawing both from  the libido theory of psychoanalysis and Nietzsche’s theory of ‘the will to power’, desire is however presented not as an unconscious principle but a conscious energy that wants to find its expression in real life. But controls of the social order disallow its proper expression.
[6] Naïve materialism refers to those forms of materialist thinking which gained strength from the gains of natural science beginning from the work of Newton and others in explaining the world in terms of the action of objects one upon another according to fixed laws of nature, expressed in terms of forces. They extend the natural law to explain the organic world as well.  In classical philosophy Demodritus and Vaisesikas of ancient world and John lock of modern times hold that matter is insentient and mind has to be explained separately.
[7] Plato is the forerunner of such an argument who in his Pheudo set the task of philosophy as dissociation of soul from the polluting contact with the body. (Plato, Symposium and Other Dialogues, Penguin Books, 1978, p178).  This platonic position revived through the Biblical theology of St. Paul and finally became the leading attitude of the modern European civilization.
[8] Humanism is the hall mark of European metaphysics that perceives human nature essentially as spiritual thus placing man in a divine order, far away from the animalistic. Animal functions of human being such as reproduction, sex, loving, emotional expressions are looked down upon. With the entry of human being into history, into culture in place of the animalistic, another set of values such as rationality, religiosity, chastity, duty consciousness, work, sense of responsibility etc have been privileged over the natural functions. The meaning of the world and life are measured in terms of human yardsticks and thus produced alienation of the human-rational from the animal-natural. The social science discourses are the products of metaphysical thinking which are meant to support human life in the social against the chaotic order of the natural. The strongest criticism against humanism comes from the Nietzsche inspired poststructuralist tradition. Also see Martin Heidegger’s Letter on Humanism (1937)
     
[9] Human liberation according to this stand-point lies to a very great extend in the retrieval of the lost natural-animalistic mode of existence
[10] Phenomenology in general, and Maurice Merleau Ponty in particular says that the seat of consciousness is not the self rather it is the body that is conscious. Merleau Ponty, Phenomenology of Perception,  (1996)
[11] Foucault, Lyotard, Deleuze, Judith Butler, Kristeva all believe in one way or the other that the body is something culturally produced.
[12] Nietzsche, The Gay Science, Sec.125. The famous ‘God is Dead’ pronouncement has to be seen a replacement of origin of values, meanings and life from the heaven to the earth, from abstract to the concrete, from divine to the animal and from the soul to the body.
[13] Nietzsche philosophy is built around this central idea by which he explains the entire processes of the world and life. .The will to power is considered as the driving force of all organic and inorganic things. He says that it not pleasure that organisms seek but power, by which all organic and inorganic entities strives to persist in existence. Power is also the essential force of the things that motivates them to grow more and enhance itself  by overthrowing all oppositions in their way. In learning new things, in the winning of competitions, in the experience of the works of art, in the processes of loving and so on, the motivating force of all these activities is considered as power.
 
[14] Marcuse, in Eros and Civilization (1956), employing the Freudian notion of libido criticizes the contemporary civilization for its suppression of the erotic pleasure. In his opinion the unconscious libidinal pleasure has to be harnessed to make a changed society where the human being will be more creative and happy.
[15] Nietzsche in Untimely Meditations,  explains the need of human being learning to cultivate forgetfulness as a virtue. Memory here is seen more as a curse than a virtue as it tie human being to historical living that creates unnecessary burden of the past and the future. Affirming the value of the present moments is suggested as non-nihilistic act which the animals and human child do.
[16] The direct  punishment on the flesh explained in Discipline and Punish is somewhat the same type of punishment Nietzsche explained in the second essay of On the Genealogy of Morals where he speaks of the means employed to create memory for the human being in ancient times
[17] Human history is seen as the product of the perpetual struggle between positive and negative will to powers to gain upper hand. Modern culture is perceived by Nietzsche as a time of the victory of the negative that plunges life into into nihilism. The positive is the pro life force that makes the play of desire possible, whereas the negative hinders the play of desire and joy by creating perpetual hurdles before the positive. Modern cultural institutions such as state, churches, military and all types of administrative ordering could be seen as the manifestation of the negative force. A parallel to the negative and positive will to powers could be seen in the Paranoiac and Schizophrenic desires articulated in Deleuze and Guattari, Anti Oedipus (1983). 
[18] Schizoanalysis is an extended form of psychoanaysis but it rejects the tendency of psychoanalysis to contain the unconscious through the Oepipalysing treatment of psychiatry. Schizoanalytic practice developed by Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari on the other hand perceives a liberatory potential in freeing the libidinal desires into the social domain. It sees Oedipus as a myth produces by anti-life forces such as despotic governance and ascetic religions.
[19] According to psychoanalysis resolution of Oedipus complex at the early stages of a human child helps to contain the polymorphous libidinal desires of the unconscious. Oedipus complex also is understood to help the self formation of the human individual and make him to develop into a rational ‘subject’. 
References:
Deleuze, Gilles and Guattari Felix (1983): Anti Oeidipus, Capitalism and Schizophrenia, R Hurley & M Seen (trans.),Athlone Press, London.
Deleuze and Guattari, (2002)A Thousand Plateaus:Capitalism and Schizophrenia, Brian Massumi (trans.) Continuum Books, New York.
Deleuze, Gilles,(1962): Nietzsche and Philosophy, Hugh Tomlinson(trans.), The Athlone Press
Foucault, Michel(1984)“Nietzsche, Genealogy, History”, In The Foucault Reader, Pantheon Books, New York.
Foucault, M (1979): Discipline and Punish, Alan Sheridan (trans.) Vintage Books, New York
Foucault, M (1980): The History of Sexuality: An Introduction, R. Hurley (Trans.)Vintage Books
Foucault, M (1982) : The Use of Pleasure: The History of Sexuality Vol.2, R. Hurley (trans.) Pantheon Books, New York.
Marcuse, Hebert (1955): Eros and Civilization, Routledge, London, 1987
Nietzsche, F (1990): The Antichrist , Walter Kaufman (trans.), Penguin Books, New York
Nietzsche, F (2001): The Gay Science, Josefine Nauckhoff (trans.) Cambridge Univerdity press.
Nietzsche, F (1968): The Will to Power. Walter Kaufman (trans.), Vintage Book, New York.
Nietzsche, F (1969):On the Genealogy of Morals, Walter Kaufman (trans.), Vintage Books, New York.
Nietzsche, F (1983):Untimely Meditations, R.J Hollingdale (trans.), Cambridge University Press.
 
Dr. Abey Koshy,
Associate Professor,
Deptt. of Philosophy,
SSUS, Kalady.
Aby.koshy6@gmail.com

Thursday, March 17, 2011

Shadowed Memoirs : Gender and Production of Land Scape in Rural Kerala Region (26.03.2011, 10 am, Seminar Hall )

Dear Friend,
    The next presentation of the Initiative will be held on 26.03.2011 (Saturday) at 10 a.m. in the Seminar Hall, SSUS, Kalady.   Dr. T.S. Saju  will present the paper on ‘Shadowed Memoirs : Gender and Production of Land Scape in Rural Kerala Region’. Full text of the paper is attached here with. You are requested to attend the session.
  

Programme Schedule
26.03.2011, 10 am, Seminar Hall

        Moderator                     :     Dr. N.J. Francis
  
        Paper Presentation         :     Dr. T.S. Saju
            (45- 60 minutes)
  
        Discussants                    :     Dr. K.M. Sheeba
            (10-15 minutes)         :     Mr. Shinoy  J
                                              :    Dr. P. Pavithran

        General Discussion         :    Participants
            (60-75 minutes)
  
        Response                      :     Dr. T.S. Saju
            (15 minutes)

        Please  arrive at 10 am in order to adhere to the time schedule.


    16.03.2011                        Dr. P. V. Narayanan
     Kalady.                             Co- ordinator

Shadowed Memoirs: Gender and Production of Landscape in a Rural Kerala Region

Saju T.S.
Department of Geography

Abstract
The transformation of the urban and rural landscapes within the last few decades has increasingly been dominated by the demands of capitalist utilization. Political Ecology and Production of Space theory argues that Capitalism relies on specific kind of ‘produced space and nature’ for its endurance. Current local-scale changes in the landscape interweave with larger forces of globalization, time-space compression and media proliferation altering the face of landscape, both rural and urban, around the world. These larger forces span all sectors of human activity and inform a new cultural economy of space, creating new landscape spatialities that require a reformulation of landscape definitions, as well as new conceptual models and methodological approaches. This paper examines one such conflict in a rural landscape in Muthalamada, Kerala, India an earlier subsistence agro-ecosystem locale that experienced a rapid commercialisation of agricultural system and rural gentrification with the introduction of a high value horticultural crop – mango – in the last few decades. An analysis of the changing spatial experiences of women from a subsistence agricultural production system to a capitalist production system shows how the spaces are reorganized and produced as new landscapes. Capitalisation of agricultural production system may also generate new food-security risks with which marginal farmers and landless labourers may find it difficult to cope. The capitalist production system produced a male oriented landscape where the access to resources to women is highly restricted. This “gendered production of spaces” has been much more tangible impact on women’s lives in Muthalamada.
Key words: Political Ecology, Gender, Production of Landscape, Food Security.





Shadowed Memoirs: Gender and Production of Landscape in a Rural Kerala Region.

The politics of soil and dust is the politics of humans and society.
- Anand
(Soil and Dust, 2010)

We abuse land because we regard it as a commodity belonging to us. When we see land as a community to which we belong, we may begin to use it with love and respect.
- Aldo Leopold
(The Sand County Almanac, 1968)
Introduction
This paper is an attempt to examine a conflict over resources for livelihood in a rapidly “developing” agricultural landscape in a rural agricultural region of Kerala. It explores escalating demand for land based resources, for a fast growing export–oriented horticultural crop – mango, and its implications in terms of rural gentrificationi, changing pattern of access to resources between marginal local population, especially women and immigrant capitalist growers and the resultant production of new landscapes. Situated within the broadly defined political ecology tradition, this paper draws on emerging theorizations of human-nature relations to analyze how the nature of the conflict is shaped by social power, discourse and nature’s agency, as well as how the conflict, and attempts to address it through the production of an agro-ecosystemii change assessment, configure uneven socio-spatial outcomes at the local scale.

The paper starts by outlining the contemporary theoretical strands in the discipline of Geography on nature, one of its core inquiries. The first section reviews theories related to society and nature, production of nature, hybrid or social nature, that further attempts to conceptualize nature as simultaneously social and material, and proceeds to consider emerging critical perspectives on ‘scientific’ understandings of nature, that question both its supposed neutrality and its role in producing ‘facts’ to underpin policy. This section ends by presenting recent applications of a political ecology approach to environmental change and these perspectives to gender and land use change, through the concept of the production of landscape, that simultaneously considers the agro-ecosystem changes and the ways in which “nature” is also controlled and shaped by social power relations and institutions, and which forms the analytical framework for the empirical case. The section that follows presents the case study of the material and discursive conflict over land resources in Muthalamada region, focusing in particular on competing representations of failure of subsistence agricultural practices and visions of solutions through agricultural commercialization and market integration of small holder farming. The final section evaluates an agro-ecosystem change assessment that was undertaken to respond to this situation and the socio-spatial implications of the resultant landscape and its analysis from a gender perspective.

Section I
Problematising Nature
Nature has always been a major issue for societies worldwide. What is changed is the way we talk about and act towards those things conventionally called ‘natural’. Historically, ideas about nature have changed dramatically. Yesterday’s ‘truths’ about nature often seem absurd to us in the here and now. Nature continues to be understood in a multitude of ways, many of them incompatible to each other. Indeed, the struggle to get a ‘proper’ understanding of nature is one of the defining struggles of any era. One common definition of nature is that it is the non-human world. According to this definition, the word ‘nature’ is more or less synonymous with the word ‘environment’. Even without having to formally describe any of the non-human elements as ‘natural’, it is implicit that this master category encompasses them according to conventional usage. But ‘nature’ also reminds us of ‘the essence of something’ as well. Using this second, broader definition we see that nature also encompasses humans too (Castree 2005). Thus, to utter a phrase such as ‘It’s in their nature’ is to say that a person has certain physiological or psychological qualities that help to make them the kind of person they are. This links to an even broader conception of nature as the inherent force ordering both humans and non-humans.
The emergence of industrial capitalism is responsible for setting contemporary views and visions of nature (Smith 1990). Contemporary visions of nature have been deeply affected by the ongoing interaction and interpenetration of science, nature, and society. These new visions appear to be more complex than older visions of nature and at the same time they seem to challenge our notions of authenticity. The global transformation of nature shaped by industrial and financial capitalism dominates both physical and intellectual consumption of nature. This experience filters out old, incompatible consumptions of nature and precipitates new ones. Yet despite the centrality of this experience, at the level of individual daily life as well as that of society as a whole, our current consumption of nature is not simple nor is it at all a mere conceptual reflection of the relatively recent social experience of nature. With time, industrial capitalism has cut into the accumulated meanings of nature so that they can be shaped and fashioned into concepts of nature appropriate for the present era. The concept of nature is extremely complex and often contradictory. Nature is material and it is spiritual, it is given and made, nature is order and it is disorder, it is the gift of god and it is product of its own evolution (Castree 2005).
An Apparently Natural Nature
If we remember that the English economist and demographer Thomas Malthus (1798) maintained that while resources can only be increased in an arithmetical progression (2, 4, 6, 8, etc.), population numbers can increase geometrically (2, 4, 8, 16 etc.). In the modern era, ‘the overpopulation’ thinking is associated with the neo-Malthusians of the early 1970s, where the global population will number some 9.3 billion by 2050, a 200 per cent increase on the 1950 total. The alarmist books like Blueprint for Survival (Goldsmith et al. 1972), The Population Bomb (Ehrlich 1970) and The Limits to Growth (Meadows et al. 1972) predicted a dire future where a finite natural-resource base would limit the numbers of people who can live on the planet. Harvey in his critique of neo-Malthusianism explicitly argues what is ‘natural’ and ‘nature’. The term nature, as discussed above, means (i) the non-human world, (ii) the essence of something, and (iii) an inherent force ordering the human and non-human worlds. All three definitions are in play in neo-Malthusian reasoning. First, the non-human world of natural resources is cited as a key factor limiting population growth. Second, these resources are seen as both quantitatively and qualitatively finite: it is in their nature (their essential character) to be non-ubiquitous. Third, neo-Malthusianism sees the propensity of people to breed beyond the natural-resource base as a ‘natural law’ that can only be tempered but never fully eliminated. Here nature is seen as creating a dynamic balance between population numbers and resource availability over time and space.
Harvey took issue with the assumptions about nature that underpinned the whole overpopulation argument. First, he questioned the idea that the amount of natural resources people need to subsist is determined by their biological needs. Subsistence levels are, he insisted, defined relative to a person’s ‘historical and cultural circumstances’ (1974: 235). Thus the bundle of resources deemed necessary to subsist in one society at one moment in time will be very different to others in the present and future. Second, Harvey argued that ‘natural resources’ are socially, culturally and economically defined. Certain things only become resources when a particular society has the means and the desire to utilise them; until then a naturally occurring phenomena is not a resource for that society. Finally, Harvey argued that resource scarcity is not given in nature but, rather, is the outcome of societal processes. This created scarcity arises, Harvey (1974) argued, because of power relations internal to society wherein some social groups command far more wealth than other groups. More specifically, Harvey suggested from a Marxist analytical viewpoint that in capitalist societies both the lower cadres of the working class and the unemployed are denied the monetary wealth to purchase their means of subsistence. Thus, what neo- Malthusians called ‘overpopulation’ was, for Harvey, a ‘relative surplus population’ produced by capitalism’s tendency to create poverty for the many and wealth for the few. In effect, Harvey argued that unproblematised assumptions about nature were used as a smokescreen to justify the West’s unwillingness to redistribute wealth to the developing world. Harvey’s critique of neo-Malthusianism was among the first in Geography to show that ideas about nature are not innocent in relation to the world they purport to describe, explain and evaluate.
The Production of Nature
Work on the production of nature originates with, and is indeed largely synonymous with, the writings of Henry Lefebvre (1991), David Harvey (1996, 2001) and Neil Smith (1990) who explicitly based their writings on Marx’s Critique of Political Economy. Nature as separate from society had no meaning for Marx; nature was always related to societal activity. He meant this materially as well as ideally; the entire earth bearing on its face the stamp of human activity. In his initial, abstract introduction to the theme in Capital, Marx depicts production as a process by which the form of nature is altered. The producer “can work only as nature does, that is by changing the form of matter”. Unlike other approaches to nature, space and geography, Lefebvre, Harvey and Smith consider space to be neither static nor ahistorical, nor a passive locus of social relations. Rather, space and nature are considered constitutive elements of capitalist social practices. In this sense they argue that Marx’s account of the annihilation of space through time does not refer to the destruction of or dissolution of space. Instead, Marx stresses the increasing reliance of capitalism on the production of space rather than the production process in space. Marx observed that “annihilation of space through time” is a historical requirement of capital and regarded time and space configuration as important aspects of capitalism. Further he observes ‘circulation of capital realizes value while living labour creates value’ (Marx 1973: 543). Circulation has two aspects; the actual physical movement of commodities from point of production to point of consumption and the actual and implicit costs that attach to the time taken up and to the social mediations (the chain of wholesalers, retailers, banking operations etc.) which are necessary in order for the produced commodity to find its ultimate user. The transportation and communication industry which ‘sells change in location’ (Marx 1967) is directly productive of value because ‘economically considered the spatial condition, the bringing of product to market, belongs to the production process itself. The product is really finished only when it is on the market’ (Marx 1973). For this capitalism depends on the organization of space through an ever expanding transportation and communication network in order to accelerate the turnover of capital, that is, the time it takes for labour and nature to transform into commodities, and commodities into money.
For the same reason Lefebvre (1991) argues that capitalism relies on the produced space of nature/produced nature. The notion of produced nature refers to new spaces as the product of the labour process and labour itself that capitalism relies on for the circulation and reproduction of capital. This notion of produced nature not only points to capitalism’s need for new spaces but also shows how social relations of production are reproduced and fetishized as ‘new landscapes’. In other words, landscape changes are seen as ‘natural’, ‘neutral’ and ‘apolitical’, concealing exploitation of labour, the political struggles and the displaced livelihoods behind their production.
Harvey’s (1974) essay also questioned the relative causal importance of the environment in understanding human–environment relationships. In other words, once one had penetrated behind the veils of ideology, Harvey argued that the environment is not as important a factor as is often supposed in the environment–society relationship. Specifically, his critique of neo-Malthusianism implied that what appear to be naturally caused problems (like starvation) are,in fact, socially caused. This attempt to deemphasize the physical environment was central to political ecology.
The Politicization of Nature and Environmental Change – The Political Ecology Approach
Departing from the premise that socio-ecological change has political underpinnings, which occur at different spatial and temporal scales, this section draws on recent theorizations of nature-society relations, as well as perspectives that critique environmental science and place greater attention on the agency of biophysical processes, to explore the relationship between social power and control over resources. Political ecology departs by recognizing that conventional technical approaches to natural resources (environmental science, agricultural science, engineering, economics, resource management) are inadequate for explaining the complexity of environmental change (Forsyth 2003). Such approaches are limited by their consideration of the environment as an assemblage of physical components that are subject to human manipulation. This forms the basis of ‘human-environment impact’ analyses, which focus on how human actions modify the natural environment. These conventional approaches are problematic in two key ways. First, they give little consideration to the complexity and interrelatedness of the social dimensions of environmental change, and instead tend to identify immediate spatial and temporal causes, with less attention to wider and/or multiple factors. Second, their primary explanations are often based on simple cause-effect relationships between human activity and environmental change, which are frequently regarded as self-evident, rather than the result of careful assessment. Failing to look beyond the ‘observable’ boundaries of environmental problems results in a depoliticized and dehistoricized analysis that fails to fully capture the complex nature of society-environment dynamics, and typically orients remedial measures towards these ‘symptoms’ rather than their ‘causes’ (Bryant and Bailey 1997; Castree and Braun 2001; O’Riordan 1999; Paulson 2003).
Political ecology enquiry has responded by seeking to understand the ‘complex metabolism between nature and society’ (Johnston et al. 2000: 590). In particular, it has more closely examined the roles of different social groups and institutions in society-nature relations, their vested interests and the power relations between them, and how these shape often uneven social and ecological outcomes, across wider spatial and temporal scales (Blaikie 1985; Bryant and Bailey 1997; Castree and Braun 2001; Paulson and Gezon 2005; Robbins 2004; Zimmerer and Bassett 2003). Power relations, which are by definition unequal, play a role in determining how nature is transformed: who exploits resources, under which regimes and with what outcomes for both social fabrics and physical landscapes (Bryant and Bailey 1997; Swyngedouw 1997b). Given the often competing interests among different social actors vis-à-vis environmental management, power relations must be exercised to be effective. This is achieved by ‘socially constructing’ nature, whereby nature is perceived in distinct ways by different actors, within particular moments and contexts, and consequently represented according to these positionalities (Barry 2005). The various constructions are then mobilized through associated discourses, through which social actors frame issues (definitions, problems, solutions) and promote them in ways that coincide with their particular interests and visions of how nature should be managed (Blaikie 1995, 2001; Braun and Wainwright 2001; Castree 2001b; Demeritt 2001). Political ecologists have thus sought to question conventional understandings and deconstruct situated constructions of nature, in order to uncover the power structures underlying them (Castree 2001a, 2001b).
The view of environmental issues as politicized, constructed and discursive is simultaneously challenged and complemented, by two theoretical developments: hybrid or social nature and critical approaches to environmental science.
Social nature
The a priori separation of ‘nature’ and ‘society’ into two distinct domains – the foundation of environmental studies, sciences and management – has been identified as both artificial and problematic (Castree 2001b; Escobar 1999; Haraway 1991; Harvey 1996; Latour 1993). As a result, attempts have been made to reconceptualize nature and society as a ‘hybrid’ (Swyngedouw 2004; Whatmore 2002), ‘social nature’ (Blaikie 2001; Castree 2001a, 2001b) or ‘socio-nature’ (Swyngedouw 1997b).
This resonates with Harvey’s (1996) dialectical approach, which transcends the materiality of nature by instead considering it to be constituted, and reconstituted, by the processes that continually transform it:
Dialectical thinking emphasizes the understanding of processes, flows, fluxes and relations over the analysis of elements, things, structures, and organized systems … [these] do not exist outside of or prior to the processes, flows and relations that create, sustain or undermine them (Harvey 1996:49).
A dialectical understanding of nature emphasizes the two-directional dynamics of social and natural processes in socio-ecological change. This allows nature itself to be reconceptualised as inescapably politicized, rather than merely the object of political processes, thus overcoming the dualistic perspective of nature as external to social power. In this way, a hybrid perspective enables the political processes and power relations that underlie fused ‘socio-ecological’ change to be elucidated, as power and socio-ecological change can be understood as mutually and dialectically constitutive (Castree 2001b; Harvey 1996; Paulson et al. 2003). This rejects the view of nature as a purely material domain over which policies are made and social struggles occur, to an integrated ‘social nature’ in which the agency of non-human natures also shapes social power (Braun and Wainwright 2001; Castree 2001b; Whatmore 2002).
The Landscape
In Social Formation and Symbolic Landscape (1984), Denis Cosgrove argued that landscapes are not simply physical environments existing ‘out there’ for people to see, study, use or enjoy. Instead, he argued that landscape is a specific ‘way of seeing’ coincident with the emergence of capitalism in Europe from the sixteenth century onwards. When we think of the word ‘landscape’ we often think of fields, water courses, trees, sky, fields and livestock arrayed before us. Cosgrove argued that we have, historically, learnt to see the apparently objective facts of landscapes in a certain way. From the period of the European Renaissance, capitalism began to supplant previous modes of production, while the invention of three-dimensional perspective and new cartographic and surveying techniques permitted a new way of representing urban and rural spaces that fast became ‘common sense’. Cosgrove (1984) showed how newly wealthy urban merchants and industrialists purchased estates in the countryside and began to commission paintings of their properties. These paintings typically contained little or no human presence, gave the viewer a detached all-seeing perspective on a ‘natural’ panorama, and appeared to be highly realistic. Cosgrove’s point was that the view of landscape here was both constructed and highly particular. For him, it not only reflected the landowner’s desire to match his physical ownership with visual ownership. It also deliberately made invisible the work of peasants and rural labourers who were often dispossessed so that urban elites could enjoy their picturesque views of a seemingly harmonious, well-ordered rural environment. By ‘naturalising’ the view, landscape painting thus, for Cosgrove, both arose from and reproduced the social relationships of a nascent, class-divided capitalist society. In his estimation, landscape was a class-specific way of seeing akin to ‘ideology’ in the Marxist sense of the term. Along with Stephen Daniels, Cosgrove (1988) went on to pioneer the geographical study of ‘symbolic’ and ‘iconographic’ urban and rural landscapes. This research opened the door for perceiving the ‘culture of nature’.
Drawing on these related traditions, landscape has been reconceptualised from purely material/physical ‘space’ that is tangible and observable, and which can be quantified, harnessed and manipulated, to a socio-natural one to a “hybrid” thing that captures and embodies processes that are simultaneously material, discursive and symbolic (Swyngedouw 2004). In this study the landscape is treated as a stretch of humanly transformed nature, but nature transformed to serve a particular end: the needs and desires of the culture that made it. Working backwards from the fact of the cultural landscape, then, the geographer could see how nature was transformed and thus learn something about the culture that lived in and created the landscape: what that culture thought, what it wanted, how it lived. The landscape could be ‘read’ for clues about culture and cultural change. A clearer analysis of the practices that make the landscape, and the varying meanings that are attached to it, can be had by understanding that the landscape (as form, meaning and representation) actively incorporates the social relations that go into its making. The landscape (in all its senses) is both an outcome and the medium of social relations, both the result of and an input to specific relations of production and reproduction.
The next section examines the production of landscape in Muthalamada, by examining the ways in which land use changes and problems are framed by different social actors and how such discourses are mobilized to position favored agro-forestry solutions and new landscapes.
Section II
Resource conflicts in Muthalamada
The Muthalamada Grama Panchayat lies in the South-East of Palakkad district of Kerala state in between 100 33’ and 100 36’ North latitudes and 760 44’ and 760 50’ East longitudes. The region covers a total area of 374 km2, out of which 301 km2 are the reserve forests under the Parambikulam Wild Life Sanctuary. According to the 2001 Census, the total population was 33,935 persons with 668 persons per square kilometre as the average density. The area has highly fertile soil and is rich in natural vegetation. A large variety of food crops were locally cultivated. Rice was the traditional crop in northern part and groundnut and ragi in southern part (Brahmaputran 2004).
The population of the region is mainly constituted by agricultural labourers and marginal farmersiii. The Muthalamada Panchayat is now better known as the “mango village” of Kerala (Development Report, Muthalamada Grama Panchayat 2005). The ‘mango boom’ accordingly took place against the backdrop of a clear downward trend in the market for traditional crops and the degradation of several key environmental resources. The cropping pattern of the study area was predominantly that of seasonal food crops prior to ‘mango boom’, rice, groundnut, grams, millets, pulses and other cereals were cultivated. Most of the cropping was for subsistence only. Pulses, grams, millets and vegetables were cultivated following the main cropping season. Most of the households grew pumpkins, bottle gourds, spinach, bitter gourds, chillies, and tomatoes for household use. The major crops such as rice or ground nut were sowed in the prime cropping season which is from May-June to August-September. The next season will be followed with other food crops like pulses, millets, and vegetables. The gendered division of labour was based on individual agricultural tasks and crops, which distributed more evenly the responsibilities for food provisioning and the opportunities for commodity production and exchange among men and women.
During the 1960s, the Land Reforms Act was implemented in Kerala (The Kerala Land Reforms Act 1963). Nearly 450 hectares of land were acquired by the Kerala Government in the 1970s and redistributed to around 1,000 households till date in Muthalamada. A substantial number among these households belong to other backwards classes, scheduled castes/tribes. These people used their lands for the production of subsistence food crops like fox tail millet, ragi, bajra, little millet and jowar and grazed their animals in the common/fallow lands which were abundant (Survey Data 2007-8). Both men and women engaged as agricultural labourers in the cropping seasons. The men and women were associated with groundnut, rice and sugarcane in upland and lowland fields in the main cropping season and in the following season women had the major role in the production and post production of millets, pulses and vegetables.
However, most of the domestic work was done by female members alone. The control of the homestead land and backyard gardens was done by female heads of the family (Field Reports 2007-8). Except wheat (which was supplied through PDS in the fair price system) most of the food items including milk and other items such as fire wood, fodder were located from their own land and from the nearby common landsiv. Abundant supply of fodder for animals and fuel wood for cooking from the common lands reduced the household burden of women to a great extent (Agarwal 1994). Almost all of the crops were rain-fed and ground water exploitation was minimal. This also reduced the drudgery of water collection which was lone responsibility of the women members of the household (Agarwal 1994). Women’s access to rural productive resources and the food availability from subsistence farming relatively ensured household food security and reduced women’s daily life burdens.
Commercialisation of Third World agriculture is an international policy since the 1960s. The International research agencies like International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI) argues that the process of commercialization, by raising incomes, actually improves a nutritional situation that might have been worse otherwise. Specialization, the development of markets, and trade, which characterise commercialization are fundamental to economic growth (Bouis and Haddad, 1990). From the mid-1980s and the 1990s the neoliberal agricultural policiesv devised by multilateral funding agencies like World Bank, proposed ‘diversification and market integration of smallholder farming’ as a development strategy for developing countries (Joshi et.al 2007). Such policies adopted by the National Government, on a macro scale, promoted high-value export oriented cash crops such as fruits and vegetables through national missionsvi funded by multilateral funding agencies. This triggered a process of economic, social and spatial restructuring of rural landscapes exaggerating local and regional differences in development. They act in contradictory ways by unevenly drawing agriculture into wider circuits of capital on a locally differentiated and changing rural social backdrop. On the one hand, capital accumulation in the commercial form of agriculture leads to distinctive industrial/agricultural spaces in the rural landscape integrated into globally networked, urban-centered agro-food complexes. On the other hand, farming businesses marginalized by this process suffer falling incomes and become dependent on local markets and spaces. This leads to farm business diversification and an ever-widening range of income sources for members of the farming household. Running alongside these differential shifts in the organization of farm production is the growing consumption of rural space by middle-class capitalist growers who alter the cultural politics of rural identity and reinforce commodification of the rural landscapes (Mormont 1990; Lowe et al. 1993; Murdoch and Marsden 1994).
Under the neoliberal agricultural policies implemented since 1990s in India, commercial export agriculture became a priority for national development, and has led to the expansion and conversion of land to non-traditional export crops. In Muthalamada from early 1990s, as a response to the neoliberal agricultural policies and with the repeated market failures of traditional agricultural products including rice and coconut, a slow and steady change of cropping pattern and tenure relations have taken place. Since the early 1990s, Muthalamada has undergone a shift from annual crops for the domestic market (rice, groundnut, millets, beans and vegetables) to permanent mango orchards for export. Due to the optimal climate for mango production, high export demand and excellent returns, and the relatively easy and cheap management of mango trees, large farmers increasingly converted land to mango orchards. Many large farmers, as well as new large capitalist growers from other parts of the state, bought up extensive areas in Muthalamada for new plantations. Marginal farmers have been slower to follow, but have increasingly converted some or all of their land to permanent orchards, some even assisted by state credit and subsidies.
A local market was formed to send fruit mango to terminal markets of Mumbai and Delhi for further shipping to International markets such as Middle East countries, United States, Europe and Oceania. Mumbai tradersvii engaged local people as their agents to procure mangoes in the season. It ensured a steady and high demand for mangoes throughout the ripening season. The income of farmers increased and more and more agricultural households shifted to orchard farming. Thus a network was established in Muthalamada with national and international markets.
In 1988, the State Forest Department started to acquire and enclose the slopes of the hills (The Kerala Private Forest (vesting and assignment) Act 1971) for social forestryviii – a World Bank funded project – that resulted in the unofficial eviction of hundreds of peasant farmers, without any compensation. The forest officials restricted the public even from the collection of fire wood or fodder from the ‘protected forests’.
Some of the local marginal and affluent farmers started to sell their lands in the late 1980s and the early 1990s at relatively fair prices to new affluent immigrant growers. Within a decade, almost 70 per cent of the cultivable land in Muthalamada was bought by immigrant capitalist growers from the local people (Field Survey 2007-8). Those who sold their small holdings, below 1 hectare, for a comparatively ‘good price’ became landless labourers within one or two years. The remaining local farmers were forced to shift from traditional crops to cash crops, mainly to mango due to mixed reasonsix. The entire local economy became more cash focused and male-oriented (men as the sole controllers of cash earnings in the traditional patriarchical family system) due to women’s loss of income and access to productive resources. The spatial relations were drastically altered and ‘colonies’ were formed in a State scheme for lower caste landless labourers. In the case of gendered division of labour, mango orchards rely heavily on male labourers for production and post production processes. Thus, agricultural production in general became increasingly polarized, both spatially and in terms of gendered labour organization.
Women in the households frequently lost control of their lands due to severe technical interventions needed for planting orchards and production. Mango orchards are solely controlled by male land owners (often capitalist growers and local traders). Most of the male members of the small holder families migrated, in search of better jobs, to industrial towns of the neighbouring states (Field Interview data 2007-8). The capitalist growers, who brought with them new ‘consumption’ of landscapes, enclosed their land and restricted entry to local population. Gradually, the local population were marginalised and displaced from all their livelihood sources like land, water and commons. The indiscriminate digging of tube wells by the rich orchard owners altered the surface water table, permanently fallen low in several places, which was already lowered due to excessive sand mining in the lower courses of the Gayatri River. The capitalist growers invested more money for deeper and deeper wells at the livelihood costs of marginal farmers and landless labourers. The unrestricted and unscientific use of pesticides in the orchards polluted most of the surface water sources. The importance of climate, seasonality and physiography in the livelihood strategies of the local population has been significantly reduced. The net result of all these changes was the production of a highly homogeneous landscape with striking gender imbalances in Muthalamada.


Data collection for the study
The field work for the study was conducted during 2007-2008. Mixed methodologies were employed for the study. A total of 250 households were surveyed for collecting quantitative data. In-depth interviews along with an ethnographic case study were conducted for the collection of qualitative data. Separate questions were employed for addressing men and women in each questionnaire for the purpose of gender analysis. As a whole, more than 75 per cent participants/respondents were women in the research process which was assured through stratified purposive sampling. Key respondents including politicians, officials and academicians were interviewed.
Size of holdings and the agrarian class
We have a substantial amount of landless labourers (below 10 cents of land), who constitute 165 of the total 250 respondents. Subsistence farmers or marginal farmers with a land holding below 2 hectares are 51 out of 250. The large owners met for the survey were 34. These reflect the current pattern of land holdings. The data collected shows that among the 165 landless respondents, 86 had lost their lands after 1980, either through selling or through government appropriation. There were at least 25 capitalist growers, with a holding of more than 25 hectares identified in the region but unfortunately only a few of them were available in the farm or were ready to respond to the questionnaire.
Results and discussion
The following are a summary of the inferences of the research on the twenty five years’ experience of agricultural commercialization in Muthalamada.
  1. There is a clear class difference in the perception on land use changes in Muthalamada; that is, from subsistence food crops to high value commercial crops, with almost all large holders favouring the change at the expense of the agricultural labourer class and marginal farmers’ class. The research results show that the large owners’ class is the net gainer of the espousal of cash cropping and the marginal farmers and landless labourer classes are the net losers.
  2. The widespread introduction of a high-value cash crop, mango, in Muthalamada has resulted in an imbalanced land tenure system, in which land resources have reached the hands of a few elite landholders, a reverse process to land reforms. This process has denied access to village commons on which the village community survived for decades. The process of land use change of agricultural commercialisation has escalated inequalities in the access to natural resources like water. Mono-cropping system has changed the agro-bio-diversity of the region, traditional fallow cycles have been abandoned, altering energy flow and nutrient cycles, and replacing the entire agro-ecology of subsistence farming.
  3. An important characteristic of this high-value export oriented crop is its low labour intensity and increased reliability on male labour. More than 80 per cent of agricultural activities are purely of the skilled male domain. As a result, women of agricultural labourer households have increasingly been marginalised and thereby denied many of the livelihood securities, especially food security. The shift from the subsistence agricultural system has resulted in a partial loss of sources of food, water, firewood, and fodder. The loss of subsistence food systems has now increased the dependence on market for food. The fluctuations of food prices and loss of steady income from subsistence system has resulted in a food insecure situation to the poorer population, especially women.
  4. The severe fall in the cattle population of the region over the years also has had a major impact on women of the marginal households. In the initial years of land use change, women depended on sale of animal products like milk to compensate their loss of income from agricultural labour and subsistence farming. After the widespread adoption of mango orchards and the State’s appropriation of slopes, the consequent lack of grazing grounds and fodder has pushed them to reduce the number of cattle. On the environment side, cattle have been one of the input sources of organic matter in the energy and nutrient cycles of subsistence agro-ecosystem. In cash cropping, this has been replaced with chemical fertilizers.
  5. The loss of food crops like rice, millets, pulses and vegetables has resulted in decreased access and availability of food at the household level. It has soared the burden of women, who bore the traditional responsibility of household food supply, in finding out appropriate food for the household. Many times, they themselves have been deprived of food, especially in the recent times, due to escalating prices of food items. This also has strong negative implications for women’s nutritional security in the poor households.

Section III

Integrated Understanding Informed by Political Ecology

Commercialization of agriculture first gained a foothold in India in the 1960s, with the advent of Green Revolution in Punjab, when the World Bank, along with the US Agency for International Development (USAID), has promoted agricultural productivity through import of fertilizers, seeds, pesticides, and farm machinery. The Bank has provided the credit necessary to replace the low-cost, low input agriculture in existence with an agricultural system that was both capital- and chemical-intensive. In the southern side of India, the ‘grow more food campaign’x developed a rice-centric approach to agricultural development. Many of the drought resistant varieties of rice and millets have been replaced with High Yielding Varieties, demanding more direct chemical input to the agro-ecological system, and partially paralyzed the natural cycle of nutrition and energy. This has been the first addition to the rural landscape of Muthalamada. Local populations tried to cope up with the situation, with the help of annual agricultural cycles, that could evolve out of the unique agro-ecological setting. As these developments have taken place, a second set of initiatives ‘market integration of small holders’xi have taken shape in the policies for the Third World in the development capitals of the United Sates and Europe by multilateral donor agencies.
Due to the growing concern for global environmental problems, the policies of the 1970s and 1980s have aimed at ‘greening’ the Third World agriculture through a series of interventions. Agro-forestry interventionsxii, one of such interventions formulated by the multilateral agencies, have been widely touted for their prodigious capacities. In the context of global ecological politics of the 1980s agro-forestry approaches have accomplished dual purposes. They have simultaneously boosted commodity production and contributed towards efforts at stabilizing the underlying resource base. On both these grounds, agro-forestry approaches have been constructed as an unambiguous and unalloyed “good” (Rocheleau and Ross, 1995). Institutional actors in forestry and environmental agencies and the major multilateral donor agencies such as the World Bank have accordingly joined forces to promote and preserve agro-forestry in many parts of the world including India.
Mango orchards were the second initiative of the 1980s to the rural landscapes of Muthalamada. Like rice in the green revolution, orchard growers have benefited from a favourable shift in the development policies and practices, as the government agencies that had once supported the rice, adopted a new objective centered on the task of producing a high-value crop landscape and rejecting the conditions necessary for the sustained food security. The mango orchards have represented a substantial diversification of the subsistence agrarian economy and have given the rural landscape a “much needed exposure to national and international markets”. In this regard, Muthalamada have achieved the ultimate goal of donor agencies and policy makers who sought to “integrate” environment, development and market through productive endeavours (Biodiversity Support Program, 1993; USIAD, 1993; World Bank, 1996).
Political ecology understands land use conflicts as a consequence of certain forms of production and stresses that human-nature relationships have to be understood in the light of relations of production within the society. The history of agricultural commercialization in Muthalamada has provided a background of powerful landed interest of elites, market forces and policy settings in which the orchard economy evolved. The penetration of capital, technology and market has led to the displacement of local population in Muthalamada. The most important observation from a political ecology frame is the ‘eco-system’ people argument, where the effect of resource depletion like water and the process of ‘enclosure of commons’ become doubly serious when people are directly dependent upon land based resources for their livelihoods. Political ecologists would argue that farmers are forced into enhancing their production to cater to the needs of being in a competitive market, where they are forced to pursue eco-degrading practices for subsistence due to market integration (Blaikie, 1985; Jansen, 1998).

Multiple Perceptions

A major concern of political ecology is the identification and recognition of plurality of perceptions and meanings. The quantitative data analysis has given a micro analysis of class perceptions on land use changes. The perceptions based on material benefits, world views, and political/personal positions have been seen to generate the fragmented visions in the local and macro contexts. Conflicting views of landless labourers, marginal farmers, and large owners and diverse views of men and women within the classes on agricultural commercialization have brought out the different perceptions on land use decisions, depending on the actor’s position in the social structure with differing endowments, available information and priorities. It is explicit that from the story of Muthalamada, how powerful actors in the structurexiii, such as state, multilateral agencies, large land holders, thus exercise their agency to use the source of power at their command to initiate environmental changes in Muthalamada.
A typical official perception to land use change in Muthalamada is that, the State agencies for agricultural development are planning for a major expansion programme for the mango orchards under the National Horticultural Mission, a national level mission to promote high-value export oriented crops. The State agencies have identified Muthalamada’s unique geographical and climatic settings, which are highly favourable to the growth of mango farming, and its capacity to supply mango in the ‘gap’ seasonxiv at the national market. The State agencies also promote contract farming of traders, that is, land owners as merely tree owners, which are an ideal condition to those who simply want to invest money in Muthalamada with well assured returns. The academic engagement in Muthalamada’s land use changes has been a study on the impacts of pesticide usage in the mango orchards by the Kerala Agricultural University. The report has concluded that “the pesticide use is justifiable in commercial mango farms, though the levels of investment in the present cost-price regime and technology are high” (Devi, 2008 (unpublished)).The official and academic perceptions of environmental change in Muthalamada is proof that conventional technical approaches to natural resources (engineering, economics, law, resource management, science) are inadequate for explaining the complexity of environmental change. Such approaches are limited by their consideration of the environment as an assemblage of physical components that are subject to human manipulation. This forms the basis of ‘human environment impact’ analyses, which focus on how human actions modify the natural environment.

Gender Politics in Muthalamada: Towards a Feminist Political Ecology Understanding

According to Rocheleau et. al. (1996), feminist political ecology:
……..begins with the concern of political ecologists who emphasize decision-making processes and the social, political, and economic context that shape environmental policies and practices. Political ecologists have focused largely on the uneven distribution of access to and control over resources on the basis of class and ethnicity. Feminist political ecology treats gender as a crucial variable in shaping resource access and control, interacting with class, caste, race, culture and ethnicity to shape processes of ecological change, the struggle of men and women to sustain ecologically viable livelihoods and the prospects of any community for “sustainable development”.
Women’s materially dependent status is ideologically reinforced through socially legitimised forms of submission to men. Expressed through seclusion ideologies and operationalised by what Sharma (1980: 198) has called an “etiquette of public invisibility”, these shape the content and value of women’s work and interactions with different members of the village community at different stages of their life cycles. Seclusion ideologies also define the unique relationship women have to the geographical spaces in which their lives and work are embedded. Like women in many subsistence agro-ecological systems, women of Muthalamada in their subsistence agro-ecosystem, needs to be extremely mobile and visible in public areas: most of their daily work is performed outdoors, often in common lands, slopes of the hills or in the fields located at considerable distances from their homesteads.
If “command over space is a fundamental source of power” (Enslin, 1990), then it follows the lack of, or limited access to, certain spaces that can play an important part in disempowering certain individuals or groups of people relative to others. This is true throughout rural India, where space as a geographical reality has had different meanings for women as a result of their differential access to and uses of it. In this sense, women’s access to, and exclusion from certain spaces also make an important statement about the differential exercise of social power between the sexes.

Gender and Production of Landscape in Muthalamada

For the past few decades, the rural landscape of Muthalamada has witnessed a large scale reorganisation of spaces and the spatial organisation of gender relations. Lefebvre’s (1991) concept of spatial construction of social was employed by Massey (1992:70) to explain that ‘…society is necessarily constructed spatially, and that fact – the spatial organisation of society – makes a difference to how it works’. The ecological changes in Muthalamada have affected women and men in different ways, reflecting their different positions within the society, their work obligations and responsibilities, and their access to newly emerged spaces within the market economy.
From a subsistence agro-ecosystem to a market oriented orchard farming system, changes of cropping patterns from annual food crops to perennial tree crops, enclosure of commons, loss of livelihood systems all affected women and men in different ways. The “gendering” of geographical spaces has had much more tangible, and negative, impact on women’s lives. The loss of subsistence food crops drastically reduced women’s direct access to and availability of food. But still the household food security heavily relies on them. Enclosure of fields, common lands, streams and slopes of the hills narrowed women’s access to fodder leaves, grasses, and firewood, and compelled some to walk considerably longer distances in order to meet their household’s daily needs. The enclosed common lands and streams have also eroded the small measure of control and freedom of movement that women once exercised in defining their work agendas independent of men. The growing importance of both local and non-local markets in the household consumption and production strategies, and the absence of subsistence agriculture, has contributed to decline in the perceived importance of spaces – fields, commons, hill slopes – in which much of the women’s work is conducted.
The perceptions of nature produced by orchards - dark, vast and lost – are entirely different form the nature where in the subsistence system in which women dominated the geography in time and space. Alienated feel from the once intimate and live spaces are much more tangible impact in their everyday life negotiations. Today, one of the biggest challenges women in Muthalamada face is having to operate in a social environment in which they have unequal access to the very geographical spaces that are vital to the accomplishment of many of their daily tasks. In short, while comparatively men’s spaces are expanding (through being employed as skilled orchard labourers or through outmigration in search of work), women’s spaces are shrinking without enabling them to access the new arenas of livelihood. What is significant in the case of women, however, is that the access to money is structurally limited in the new landscapes, through a combination of gender hierarchies, the gender division of labour, and differential access to crucial resources. Today a major impediment to women’s ability to accumulate cash is the absence of local opportunity to earn money. This gender based disadvantage can be found in Muthalamada cutting across the classes. Men’s control over money concretizes gender ideologies which claim that “nothing can be done here without men” (Field Interview Data 2008). Gender-differentiated control over money diminishes women and reinforces the view that men are the “natural” heads of the households and, hence, the real managers of all matters pertaining to family sustenance. This perception, in combination with men’s considerably easier mobility and access to new spaces, lends increasing support to the widespread belief that women are simply “housewifes” (Field Interview Data 2008).
From Landscape to Socio-Nature – An Epilogue
Through the case study of Muthalamada, this paper sought to analyse the material, sociopolitical and discursive elements of resource conflict, based on the reconceputalisation of landscape from a ‘nature’ to a ‘socio-nature’. In turn this highlighted several important and nuanced dimensions. The paper explored how landscape is deeply politicized and produced by different actors in Muthalamada, as different categories of people struggled to secure a livelihood, and vied to produce a landscape from their own vantage point. However, rather than considering landscape as merely a static object over which power is exerted, the dialectical relationship between social power and landscape change also illustrated how the materiality of nature – space – its biophysical properties and agency – configured the social relations of control over it. In particular the unique biophysical settings of Muthalamada, which the large farmers and capitalist growers enjoyed, at the expense of marginal farmers and landless labours. The landscape ‘naturalises’ social relations and makes them seem inevitable. In this regard the landscape functions not only as a stage upon which life is lived, upon which the reproduction of capital and society occurs. It also functions as natural, as that which is (and hence, to some large degree, that which can be). That is to say, one function of the landscape is to display the normative order of the world.

“….the blue mangoes we eat tell us nothing,
and the green landscapes therein yield fewer clues….”



tssaju@gmail.com
Notes
iGentrification has been extensively researched and debated within urban contexts but has received much less attention with respect to rural areas. Urban gentrification involves the inflow of capital investment into real estate of an already existing place in the metropolitan region whose values are depressed (Gottdiener and Budd 2005). Gentrification, which is a kind of urban renewal, is related to the decay of place. Both are cycles of capital investment in urban real estate. Urban gentrification also referring to the socio-cultural displacement that results when wealthier people acquire property in low income and working class communities. (see Smith 1982). In the context of this study rural gentrification refers to the displacement of local population in rural agricultural landscapes due to immigration of wealthier elite population in search of better capital investments.
ii An agro-ecosystem can be viewed as a subset of a conventional ecosystem and can be defined as a spatially and functionally coherent unit of agricultural activity, and includes the living and nonliving components involved in that unit as well as their interactions. (see Gliessman 1990).
iii Notwithstanding inaccuracy, for the purpose of this paper the term ‘marginal farmer’ is used to refer to the beneficiaries of land reforms with small holdings, while ‘large farmers’ are land holders of over 5 hectares who are engaged in commercial scale production, and the capitalist growers are either elite immigrants or traders who own large plots of orchards usually more than 25 hectares.
iv The common lands (in this study) are either State or private owned lands and with or without title deeds. In a subsistence farming system, ‘the pressure of productivity’ is very low so abundant vacant lands are available for grazing, food and fuel gathering as it is a traditional collective right of villagers.
v Neoliberalism in agriculture tries to diminish state protection and to further the liberalization of the international agricultural market. Neoliberal policy includes restructuring through commercialisation of the agricultural sector and enhancing its economic efficiency through market interventions.
vi National Horticulture Mission is a multimillion World Bank funded centrally sponsored scheme in which Government of India to develop horticulture to the maximum potential available in the State and to augment production of all horticultural products (Fruits, Vegetables, Flowers, Plantation crops, Spices, Medicinal Aromatic plants) in the states.
vii A dynamic mango market is functioning in Muthalamada. Contract farming or leasing of orchards for one or two years to local traders is the normal practice of marketing in Muthalamada. Regional and inter-state mango trading from Muthalamada started decades ago. Today several wholesalers have established contacts with large commission agents in terminal markets in North India especially in Mumbai. In addition, some 500 small country buyers and commission agents are involved in mango marketing in Muthalamada. During the flowering season in December, traders inspect the trees with the farmers, and then settle on a price for a number of trees or even whole plots. The full or portion of lease amount is paid in advance to the tree owner. From then until the start of the monsoon season that is, from December to late May-the trader is fully responsible for the cultivation of the trees, weeding, spraying with pesticides, applying fertilizers, and ultimately harvesting. Most of the present large growers are residents of middle or north Kerala, so they usually visit the orchards not more than once in a year, that is, for annual or biannual sale of orchards. But the role of mango traders is not restricted to marketing. They also supply seedlings, recommend cultivation techniques, and lease most of the mango trees in the region from local farmers. The main motive of traders for leasing mango trees is to ensure that they will have enough fruit to sell and can compete with other local traders. Most farmers in this region prefer to lease their mango trees rather than to cultivate and harvest them on their own. They have a guaranteed income and all risks are borne by the trader; moreover, their cultivation costs are lower and they have fewer labour problems. In effect, the role of farmers is limited to decision-making-whether to plant mango trees at all-and caring for the young trees during the first three to five years. After that these farmers become mere tree owners. Over the years, the traders have gathered considerable knowledge regarding both cultivation practices and the mango varieties best suited to local conditions. Through business contacts, the experienced wholesalers are also well-informed about mango cultivation techniques developed elsewhere. Traders know about both the most marketable and the most suitable mango varieties. They usually recommend planting early-yielding varieties that fetch comparatively high prices. They advise farmers to grow four or five different varieties, in order to reduce the risks represented by weather conditions, pests and disease, and to lower dependence on individual terminal markets, which often have particular preferences regarding fruit varieties. Farmers who do not lease their trees often rely on the seedlings provided by the governmental projects. However, those projects distribute only two varieties, neither of which is popular in the market.
viii Social forestry is any practice, method, technique/technology or natural resource management system that enhances forest resource governance and makes forestry economically viable, and ecologically sound (GOI 1976). This definition is mostly a state view of what social forestry should be, and does not emphasise the involvement of local people. It advocates that forest plantations should be controlled by the state within fences, thus excluding local people and livestock from entering it. Projects designed with such an approach, for example the National Social Forestry Project (NSFP), aided by the World Bank in India (In 1984, the World Bank approved the India National Social Forestry project for $165 million), are typical examples dominated by the orthodox views of deforestation.
ix A variety of reasons are cited such as frequent market failure of traditional food crops, unavailability of agricultural labourers, assured profit from mango cultivation, less labour intensity for mango cultivation, climate changes, increased human-animal conflicts due to afforestation and orchards and the difficulty to maintain small patches of food crop plots in the midst of large plantations.
x The ‘grow more food’ campaign of the late 1940s and early 1950s in India encouraged extension of cultivation to ‘wastelands’ like forests and low lying marshes, which was considered as a sign of progress – of ‘conquering nature’. Later, in the 1960s, the Green Revolution strategies and the building of engineering structures like dams (the Nehruvian Model of Development) to boost rice cultivation in Muthalamada region (two irrigation dams built in the region during 1960s) were major interventions in the natural systems of Muthalamada.
xi Diversification and market integration were suggested as a development strategy to improve Third World small holder farming by International Agencies like World Bank and Asian Development Bank during 1980s. ( see web.worldbank.org › Projects)
xii Culminating the Rio Earth Summit in 1992, this multifaceted programme dominated development efforts in the Asian-African region from late 1980s on. According to World Agroforestry website, the programme aims to improve the land health (the capacity of land to sustain delivery of essential ecosystem services) and Land degradation was seen as a global threat to habitat, economy and society, and is the overarching environmental issue of concern in Africa, Asia and Latin America threatening food security, ecosystems and livelihoods.
xiii Structure – Agency debate, see Giddens 1976
xiv Mid-April to June is the harvesting season for mango in India. But the unique bio-physical setting of Muthalamada enable the region for an early harvesting season from March, thus to supply fruits to terminal markets before than any other place in India (Interview with Traders and Agricultural Officer, Muthalamada Krishi Bhavan 2008)
References
Agarwal, Bina (1994) A Field of One's Own: Gender and Land Rights in South Asia (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press).
Anand (2010) Soil and Dust in Mathrubhumi Weekly (Language Malayalam) April 25 – May 1: 13-31.
Barry, J. (1999) Environment and Social Theory (London: Routledge).
Biodiversity Support Program (1993) African biodiversity: Foundation for the future (Washington, DC: World Wildlife Fund, Nature Conservancy, and World Resources Institute, with the U.S. Agency for International Development).
Blaikie, P. (1985) The Political Economy of Soil Erosion in Developing Countries (London: Longman).
Blaikie, P. (1995) ‘Changing Environments or Changing Views? A Political Ecology for Developing Countries’, Geography 80: 3, 203–14.
Blaikie, P. (2001) ‘Social Nature and Environmental Policy in the South: Views from Verandah and Veld’, in Castree and Braun (eds).
Bouis, Howarth E., and Lawrence J. Haddad (1990) Effects of Agricultural Commercialization on Land Tenure, Household Resource Allocation, and Nutrition in the Philippines Research Report 79. (Washington, D.C: International Food Policy Research Institute).
Brahmaputhran, C. K. (2004) Health-promoting Behaviour in Muthalamada Panchayat, Palakkad District. Discussion Paper No. 87, KRPLLD,( Thiruvananhapuram: CDS).
Braun, B. and Wainwright, J. (2001), ‘Nature, Poststructuralism, and Politics’, in Castree and Braun (eds).
Bryant, R. and Bailey, S. (1997) Third World Political Ecology (London: Routledge).
Budds, J. (2004) ‘Power, Nature and Neoliberalism: The Political Ecology of Water in Chile’, Singapore Journal of Tropical Geography, 25: 3, 322–342.
Castree, N. (2001a) ‘Marxism, Capitalism, and the Production of Nature’, in Castree and Braun (eds.).
Castree, N. (2001b) ‘Socializing Nature: Theory, Practice, and Politics’, in Castree and Braun (eds).
Castree, N. and Braun, B. (eds) (2001) Social Nature: Theory, Practice, and Politics (Oxford: Blackwell).
Castree, N. (2005) Nature (London: Routledge)
Cosgrove, D. (1984) Social Formation and Symbolic Landscape (London: Croom Helm).
Cosgrove, D. and S. Daniels (1988) Iconography of Landscape (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press).
Cronon, W. (1992) ‘A Place for Stories: Nature, History, and Narrative’, Journal of American History 78: 4, 1347–1376.
Demeritt, D. (1998) ‘Science, Social Constructivism and Nature’, in Braun, B. and Castree, N. (eds) Remaking Reality: Nature at the Millennium (London: Routledge).
Demeritt, D. (2001) ‘Being Constructive about Nature’, in Castree and Braun (eds). Escobar, A. (1999), ‘After Nature: Steps to an Antiessentialist Political Ecology’, Current Anthropology 40: 1, 1–30.
Devi, Indira P. (Unpublished) Pesticide Use and Crop Productivity in Food Crops of Kerala, Research report-2008, (Kerala: Kerala Agricultural University).
Ehrlich, P. (1970) The Population Bomb (New York: Ballantine Books).
Ensiln, E. (1990) Recovering the Commons: Gender, Space and Power in Chitwan, Nepal, Paper presented at the American Anthropological Association Meetings, New Orleans.
Escobar, A. (1999) ‘After Nature: Steps to an Antiessentialist Political Ecology’ Current Anthropology 40:1, 1-30.
Forsyth, T. (2003) Critical Political Ecology: The Politics of Environmental Science (London: Routledge).
Giddens, A. (1976) New Rules of Sociological Method (London:Hutchinson)
Gliessman, S.R. (ed.) (1990) Agroecology: Researching for Ecological Basis for Sustainable Agriculture (New York: Springer-Verlag)
Goldsmith, E., R. Allen, M. Allaby, J. Davoll and S. Lawrence (1972) Blueprint for Survival (Harmondsworth: Penguin).
Gottdiener, M. and Budd, L. (2005) Key Concepts in Urban Studies (New Delhi: Sage).
Hajer, M. (1995) The Politics of Environmental Discourse: Ecological Modernization and the Policy Process (Oxford: Clarendon Press).
Haraway, D. (1991) Simians, Cyborgs and Women: the Reinvention of Nature (London: Routledge).
Harvey, D. (1974) ‘Population, resources and the ideology of science’, Economic Geography 50, 2: 256–77
Harvey, D. (1996) Justice, Nature and the Geography of Difference (Oxford: Blackwell).
Harvey, D. (2001), Spaces of Capital (Edinburgh:EUP).
Jansen, Kees. (1998) Political Ecology, Mountain Agriculture and Knowledge in Honduras. Amsterdam: Thela.
Johnston, R.J. (2000) The Dictionary of Human Geography (4th edn). Oxford: Blackwell.
Joshi P.K et. al.(eds.)(2007) Agricultural Diversification of Small Holders in South Asia (New Delhi: Academic Foundation).
Latour, B. (1993) We Have Never Been Modern (London: Longman).
Lefebvre, H. (1991) The Production of Space. Oxford: Basil Blackwell.
Leopold, A. (1968), A Sand County Almanac, New York
Lowe, P.; Murdoch, J.; Marsden, T.; Munton, R.; and Flynn, A. (1993). Regulating the new rural spaces: Issues arising from the uneven development of land. Journal of Rural Studies 9:205-22.
Malthus, T. (1798) Essay on the Principle of Population (London: J. Johnson).
Marx, Karl. (1967) Capital Volume 1 (New York: HarperCollins)
Marx, Karl. (1973) Grundrisse (London: HarperCollins)
Meadows, D., J. Randers, W.W. Behrens (1972) Limits to Growth (New York: Universe Books)
Messey, D. (1992) Politics and Space/Time. New Left Review, 196: 65-84
Mormont, M. (1990) Who is rural? or, how to be rural: Towards a Sociology of the Rural. In Rural Restructuring: Global Processes and their Responses, ed. T. Marsden, P. Lowe, and S. Whatmore, 21-44. London: David Fulton.
Murdoch, J., and Marsden, T. (1994) Reconsti-tuting Rurality: Class, Community and Power in the Development Process. London: UCL Press.
O’Riordan, T. (1999) ‘Ecocentrism and Technocentrism’, in Smith, M. (ed.) Thinking Through the Environment: A Reader (London: Routledge).
Paulson, S. (2003) ‘Gendered Practices and Landscapes in the Andes: The Shape of Asymmetrical Exchanges’, Human Organization 62: 3, 242–254.
Paulson, S. and Gezon, L. (eds) (2005) Political Ecology Across Spaces, Scales, and Social Groups (Piscataway: Rutgers University Press).
Paulson, S., Gezon, L. and Watts, M. (2003) ‘Locating the Political in Political Ecology: An Introduction’, Human Organization 62: 3, 205–217.
Robbins, P. (2004) Political Ecology: A Critical Introduction (Oxford: Blackwell).
Roberts, R. and J. Emel (1992) ‘Uneven Development and the Tragedy of the Commons: Competing Images for Nature-society Analysis’, Economic Geography 68: 3, 249–71.
Rocheleau, Dianne and Linda, Ross. (1995) Trees as tools, trees as text: Struggles over resources in Zambrana Chacuey, Dominican Republic. Antipode 27(4): 407–428.
Rocheleau, Diane, Barbara Thomas-Slayter and Esther Wangari (eds). (1996) Feminist Political Ecology: Global Issues and Local Experiences. London: Routledge.
Sharma, M. (1980) Women, Work and Property in North-West India. London: Tavistock.
Sheridan, T. (1995) ‘Arizona: The Political Ecology of a Desert State’, Journal of Political Ecology 2, 41–57.
Smith, N. (1982) ‘Gentrification and Uneven Development’, Economic Geography 58: 2, 139-155.
Smith, N. (1990) Uneven Development: Nature, Capital and the Production of Space (Oxford: Blackwell)
Swyngedouw, E. (1997a) ‘Neither Global nor Local: “Globalization” and the Politics of Scale’, in Cox, K. (ed.) Spaces of Globalization: Reasserting the Power of the Local (New York: Guildford).
Swyngedouw, E. (1997b) ‘Power, Nature and the City: The Conquest of Water and the Political Ecology of Urbanization in Guayaquil, Ecuador: 1880–1990’, Environment and Planning A 29: 2, 311–332.
Swyngedouw, E. (2004) Social Power and the Urbanization of Water: Flows of Power (Oxford: Oxford University Press).
USAID. (1993) Africa: Growth Renewed, Hope Rekindled, A Report on the Performance of the Development Fund for Africa 1988–1992 (Washington DC: USAID).
Walker, P. (2005) ‘Political Ecology: Where is the Ecology’, Progress in Human Geography 29: 1, 73–82.
Whatmore, S. (2002) Hybrid Geographies: Natures, Cultures and Spaces (London: Sage).
World Bank. (1996) Toward environmentally sustainable development in sub-Saharan Africa . Washington, DC: World Bank.
Zimmerer, K. and Bassett, T. (eds) (2003) Political Ecology: An Integrative Approach to Geography and Environment-Development Studies (New York: Guilford).
Reports and Other Sources
Development Report (2005), Muthalamada Grama Panchayat
Questionnaire Survey Data (2007-8)
Field Interview Data (2008)